Democracy’s Decline

It seems to me….

There is a cult of ignorance in the United States, and there has always been.  The strain of anti-intellectualism has been a constant thread winding its way through our political and cultural life, nurtured by the false notion that democracy means that my ignorance is just as good as your knowledge.”  ~ Isaac Asimov[1].

Global freedom has continuously declined every consecutive year for over a decade[2].  This regression has continued throughout the world leading to the worst index evaluation since such tracking began in 2006.  It is estimated that only 5.7 percent of the global population are now living in what could be considered a “full democracy”[3].

The index assesses 167 countries on the basis of five categories: electoral process and pluralism; the functioning of government; political participation; political culture; and civil liberties.  Most Western European countries were considered full democracies, with Norway scoring the highest worldwide, while most Eastern European nations were considered flawed democracies or “hybrid” regimes.

2017 was the worst year for global democracy since the aftermath of the financial crisis in 2010 with three times as many countries experiencing democratic declines as showing advances.  In 2006, 46 percent of the world’s population were designated as living in countries with open political competition, guaranteed civil liberties, strong civil society, and independent media.  By 2018, the proportion of those living in such free countries had dropped to 39 percent.

In states that were already authoritarian and earning a “Not Free” designation, governments have increasingly shed the thin façade of democratic practice they established in previous decades when international incentives and pressure for reform were stronger.  Many countries that democratized after the end of the Cold War have since regressed in the face of rampant corruption, antiliberal populist movements, and breakdown of the rule of law.

It has been antiliberal populist movements of the far right – those that emphasize national sovereignty, are hostile to immigration, and reject constitutional checks on the will of the majority – that have been most effective at seizing the open political space.  Even long-standing democracies are being challenged by populist political forces that reject basic principles such as separation of powers and target minorities for discriminatory treatment.

The crisis is linked to a changing balance of power at the global level.  This shift has been driven by a new phase of globalization that unlocked enormous wealth around the world.  The distribution of benefits has been highly uneven however, with most accruing to either the wealthiest on a global scale or to highly skilled workers in industrializing countries.  Low- and medium-skilled workers in long-industrialized democracies have gained relatively little from the expansion, as stable, well-paying middleclass jobs have been lost to a combination of foreign competition and technological change.

Neither the U.S. nor its most powerful allies have ever been perfect models – the U.S. ranked 51st among 87 free countries in Freedom In The World[4] – and their commitment to democratic governance overseas has always competed with other priorities.  It was demoted from a “full democracy” to a “flawed democracy” in 2016.  The pressure on our system is as serious as any experienced in living memory.  Rarely has the need to defend its rules and norms been more urgent.

Populism, from both the left and right, constitutes a relatively new threat – even in the U.S. there is a crisis of political dysfunction exemplified by political polarization and declining trust in government that exploits grievance, fear, and frustration.

The challenges facing U.S. democracy did not commence with inauguration of Donald Trump – but they did accelerate.  Intensifying political polarization, declining economic mobility, outsized influence of special interests, and diminished influence of fact-based reporting in favor of bellicose partisan media were all problems afflicting the health of U.S. democracy well before 2017.

Most political theorists have long assumed that as countries develop economically, they also would become more democratic, especially if a vigorous middleclass took root.  Lately, however, the middleclass, who traditionally have been proponents of reform, have turned against democracy in countries such as Venezuela, Pakistan, and Taiwan.  Countries once held up as models of new democracies, such as Hungary and the Czech Republic, have curtailed social, economic, and political freedoms.  And the military seized power in coups in Honduras, Thailand, and Fiji.

The number of representative governments has decreased and the quality of democracy has deteriorated in many states where it had been making progress, including Russia, Kenya, Argentina, and Nigeria[5].  France and Portugal moved in the other direction, restoring their status as “full democracies”.  Thailand, somewhat surprisingly, registered the largest improvement in score and ranking while China showed the greatest decline.  North Korea was ranked at the very bottom.

The tyrants of today are more sophisticated than those of the past; rather than outright totalitarianism, they erect a façade of democracy and subvert it from within.  Illiberal democracies hold elections that are not competitive, use government-approved shell groups to edge out genuine civil society, pass laws outlawing free association and speech, and suppress opposition news media.  They brand any group receiving money from abroad as a “foreign agent”.

Destruction of democratic institutions moves gradually but tenaciously.  It seldom happens overnight through an act of force which is why the electorate usually fails to realize their danger only slowly relinquishing their freedom and passively accepting the introduction of anti-democratic measures limiting individual liberty and division of powers.

The U.S., being somewhat flawed itself, is partly responsible for having let this happen and needs to step up to the autocrats of the world and confront their dangerous illiberalism.

Democracy has rarely excelled in relatively poor countries or countries without deep democratic traditions.  Now, the question is whether democracy is stable in more affluent countries even with such traditions.  Democratic values may be compromised by economic instability, global migration, or exploitation of the Internet and technology by authoritarian powers.

There is no civilizational alternative to democracy, its current ailments notwithstanding, and it remains the hallmark of our times[6].  Even the most authoritarian regimes now prefer to shroud themselves in quasi-democratic vestments, seeking legitimacy through controlled elections and by unconvincingly uttering the mantras of the rule of law.

The U.S. and much of the rest of the world are facing not only danger but also opportunity for democratic constructs.  Democracy requires continuous effort to thrive and a constant willingness to broaden and deepen application of its fundamental principles.

Democracy can meet the challenges of the 21st century better than authoritarianism but democracy alone does not ensure that one form of régime will be any better in delivery of outcomes than any other, such as autocracy.  The promise of democracy must remain real and powerful and those believing in freedom must not only defend it but broaden its reach as one of the great causes of our time.

It is the role of independent judges and prosecutors to defend the supremacy and continuity of constitutional law against excesses by elected officials, to ensure that individual rights are not abused by hostile majorities or other powerful interests, and to prevent the politicization of justice so that competing parties can alternate in office without fear of unfair retribution.

Organizations such as the EU and NATO, which are based on the principles of democracy, freedom, and human rights should not allow member states such as Poland, Hungary, and Turkey to violate their charters with impunity.  The U.S. and EU must lead by example and encourage other countries to emulate them providing incentives to adopt democratic principles rather than forcing those principles on countries when unwanted.  Hegemony always results in resentment.

The most successful cases of democratic transition frequently begin with the emergence of system reformers inside an authoritarian regime.  There are things that can be done to strengthen democracy and the hallmarks of freedom such as preserving free and fair elections, supporting an independent press, and safeguarding the rule of law.

In a survey of 50,000 people in 53 countries[7], 44 percent of those polled thought that the U.S. threatens democracy in their country as against Chinese influence (38 percent) or Russia (28 percent).  The biggest threat to democracy is seen as inequality (64 percent) and big tech companies (48 percent).  That perspective does not serve to benefit democratic reform.

Democracy fosters economic growth but if growth has not been equally shared, democracy comes under threat from populist authoritarianism which often is democratically elected to power.  Democracy as an ideal depends on the quality of institutions and if these institutions corrode, become politically captive, or are unable to deliver what politicians promise, democracy will inevitably be subject to change by either peaceful or violent means[8].

Globalization, technology, demographics, and climate change have made life much more complex, demanding instant decision-making; even the best of the democracies have seen concentration of power in a presidential executive over-ride judicial or parliamentary checks and balances.  When those institutional checks and balances fail due to corruption, corrosion, or incompetence, then new forms of political leadership arise to challenge the old.

Democratic erosion in the U.S. has become stained at the same time that it has ceded global leadership.  Those nations advocating freedom and democracy, including the U.S., need to support “democratic multilateralism” advancing coordination and cooperation within the boundaries of what has traditionally been considered to be the global liberal order.  The U.S. and other leading democracies should establish a mechanism for tight coordination among the democratic states on both policy and funding for issues of technology, global health, and climate change.

It has been noted that “Every nation has the government it deserves[9]”.  In an age of disinformation, misinformation, information overload, and mendacious self-serving politicians, it is imperative for citizens to remain well informed on both issues and their representative choices.  It also has never been more difficult.

Democracy, in spite of its many flaws, remains over an extended duration the form of governance best able to provide voters with an opportunity to select the laws they prefer and who will govern them.  Rule by the majority might not always be totally inclusive or unbiased but everyone has the right to freedom of expression.  That right should never be compromised.

That’s what I think, what about you?


[1] Isaac Asimov was a U.S. writer and professor of biochemistry at Boston University who wrote or edited more than 500 books.  He is considered one of the “Big Three” of science fiction writers.

[2] Democracy In Retreat, Freedom House, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/democracy-retreat, 2019.

[3] Gehrke, Laurenz.  Democracy ‘In Retreat’ Globally, Report Warns, Politico, https://www.politico.eu/article/democracy-in-retreat-globally-report-warns/, 22 January 202l.

[4] Freedom In The World, Freedom House, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world.

[5] Kurlantzick, Joshua.  Democracy in Retreat: The Revolt of the Middle Class and the Worldwide Decline of Representative Government, Yale University Press, https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300205800/democracy-in-retreat/, 5 March 2013.

[6] Shevtsova, Lilia.  Is Democracy In Retreat?, The American Interest, https://www.the-american-interest.com/2013/06/04/is-democracy-in-retreat/, 4June 2013.

[7] Democracy Perception Index 2021, Alliance of Democracies Foundation, https://www.allianceofdemocracies.org/initiatives/the-copenhagen-democracy-summit/dpi-2021/, 5 May 2021.

[8] Sheng, Andrew.  Is Democracy In Retreat?, The Daily Star, https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/news/democracy-retreat-2090973, 10 May 2021.

[9] Joseph Marie, comte de Maistre was a Savoyard philosopher, writer, lawyer, and diplomat who advocated social hierarchy and monarchy in the period immediately following the French Revolution.

About lewbornmann

Lewis J. Bornmann has his doctorate in Computer Science. He became a volunteer for the American Red Cross following his retirement from teaching Computer Science, Mathematics, and Information Systems, at Mesa State College in Grand Junction, CO. He previously was on the staff at the University of Wisconsin-Madison campus, Stanford University, and several other universities. Dr. Bornmann has provided emergency assistance in areas devastated by hurricanes, floods, and wildfires. He has responded to emergencies on local Disaster Action Teams (DAT), assisted with Services to Armed Forces (SAF), and taught Disaster Services classes and Health & Safety classes. He and his wife, Barb, are certified operators of the American Red Cross Emergency Communications Response Vehicle (ECRV), a self-contained unit capable of providing satellite-based communications and technology-related assistance at disaster sites. He served on the governing board of a large international professional organization (ACM), was chair of a committee overseeing several hundred worldwide volunteer chapters, helped organize large international conferences, served on numerous technical committees, and presented technical papers at numerous symposiums and conferences. He has numerous Who’s Who citations for his technical and professional contributions and many years of management experience with major corporations including General Electric, Boeing, and as an independent contractor. He was a principal contributor on numerous large technology-related development projects, including having written the Systems Concepts for NASA’s largest supercomputing system at the Ames Research Center in Silicon Valley. With over 40 years of experience in scientific and commercial computer systems management and development, he worked on a wide variety of computer-related systems from small single embedded microprocessor based applications to some of the largest distributed heterogeneous supercomputing systems ever planned.
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